Azam FC and football in Dar es Salaam

Having undergone research into football in Dar es Salaam for the best part of three months, I have now returned home and plan to continue writing up and developing my ideas, now with access to more reading material on the topic. The starting point for this research was Azam FC, a club whose main purpose for management is as a means of advertising their other products and the company as a whole. Issues surrounding commercialisation and neoliberalism of the beautiful game are explored, however emphasis is placed on responses to neoliberalism within local histories (Dubai, 2010: 141), with the intention of challenging portrayals of neoliberalism as something more powerful and all-encompassing than it really is (Kingfisher and Maskovsky, 2008: 119). When writing about football in Tanzania, one must necessarily consider Simba and Yanga, who roughly divide the nations football supporters into two halves. 

Yanga and Simba trace their roots back to 1935 and 1936 respectively, during British colonial rule. Despite their geographical proximity in Dar es Salaam, football supporters across the whole of Tanzanian’s dispersed population of roughly 50 million people can be divided into two camps: the green and red of Yanga and Simba. The historic rivalry between these two teams is well known and widely documented (see Tsurata, 2007), and I would suggest that due to their national identity these two teams should be arguably be considered as national teams. Following independence, the socialist government led by Julius Nyerere embarked on a large-scale project of nation building among ethnically diverse people - one example of this was the adoption of Kiswahili as the language of the nation - and Nyerere himself is affectionately referred to as Baba wa Taifa (Father of the Nation). Askew (2002) explores the role of cultural productions as a way of imagining and legitimising the new nation. Simba and Yanga are known as old joking parters (watani wa jadi) and their rivalry has been played out countless times in all spheres of Tanzanian social life, and is inseparable from the country’s football identity. In tracing the development of these two teams as national cultural productions, it’s clear that although football is undoubtedly a global sport, football in Dar es Salaam is a distinctly localised phenomenon. 

Azam are now undoubtedly the third best team in Tanzania, and in fact during my research period they were successful in beating Simba and Yanga twice each, including a 4-0 thrashing of Yanga which led to the supporters adopting the slogan 4G. This slogan, signifying four goals, also has connotations of modernity; 4G is the latest generation of mobile technology, succeeding 3G. Portrayals of Azam FC are often linked to modernity, as they are described as adopting a modern system (mfumo wa kisasa) in contrast to the ancient joking relationship of Simba and Yanga: the Azam company support has allowed them to build their own football stadium and bring players in from abroad, whereas Simba and Yanga have limited resources and are said operate under the system of “ujanja ujanja”. Difficult to directly translate, this describes a shrewd business acumen which may incorporate corruption (rushwa). The secretary of the The Assembly of Elders at Simba Sports Club said himself that within the club there is excessive corruption and sharp practise (ujanja umezidi).

One group of Azam supporters state that the informal system of these clubs (mfumo usio rasmi) means that they’re holding Azam back (wanachelewesha sisi), and this particular supporter group’s name (Mpira Taaluma or Specialist Football) reflects the belief Azam FC are somehow more professional. One important analysis of Azam FC by both supporters and non-supporters alike is the praise they receive for being self-reliant (kujitegemea), and in his article dealing with the occult in Dar es Salaam’s transport system, Sanders explains how the concept of self-reliance is one which has been used by successive ruling ideologies in Tanzania to “exhilarate and motivate” the people (2008:117). Sander’s attempts to avoid an analysis which overemphasises the idea of “rupture” in Tanzania’s transition from Nyerere’s post-independence era of socialism (1960-85) to the successive neoliberal governments which have since adopted wholesale the IMF’s structural adjustment programme (ibid:115). Whereas for Nyerere self-reliance was a national project (self-reliance of the nation without foreign dependency), the neoliberal era has emphasised the self-reliance of individuals, or a collection of individuals, as in the case of Azam. 

The current economic situation in Tanzania under the leadership of Magufuli has signalled an era of austerity, as his hard-line on corruption and sharp practise has inadvertently led to the gaps (mianya) by which people previously received money, perhaps informally, being filled in. Simba and Yanga, as sports clubs which are managed by their party members (wanachama) and therefore depend upon these party members for donations, have suffered alongside the country’s citizens in this economic climate. This situation is contrasted to Azam, whose self-reliance positions them outside of the sharp practise (ujanja) which is embedded in these cultural institutions and largely separates them from national politics, whereas for Simba and Yanga such a separation is difficult to make. Supporters praise Azam as they do not slip up (hawatetelezi) in the current economic climate, and this relates to the neoliberal understanding of the market as “not only the best, but the only reliable social regulator” in society (Kingfisher and Maskovsky, 2008: 117). 

Formal employment opportunities are minimal, however due to their business operations Azam are in a position to offer employment, whether this be in one of their many factories or in the club’s sports complex itself. Azam supporters explain that for certain professions, i.e. transporting goods, it’s better to work for Azam than the government (bora ufanye kazi na Azam kuliko serikali) because they pay better and the position is more stable. The potential for employment is ranked as a key reason for supporting the club by the supporters themselves. Supporters explain that many have been given work as a reward for showing faithful support (ushabiki wa ukweli), and this statement was supported by the club manager himself who said that they look closely at the particular specialities of supporters and designate jobs accordingly. Interestingly, work is another area highlighted by Sanders as bridging the analytical rupture between socialism and post-socialism, as both ideologies place emphasis on hard work. The current emphasis on work is evident in Magufuli’s widespread political slogan Hapa kazi tu (Here is simply work). 

It is frequently said by supporters of Simba and Yanga that Azam supporters are bought by the club (wananunuliwa). Although I saw no evidence of explicit payment, it is undoubtedly the case that supporting Azam has its perks, including the possible distribution of Azam soft-drinks at matches, as well as a large allocation of free tickets (in one particularly match, hundreds of supporters entered the stadium for free, including myself!), not to mention opportunities for formal employment. However the supporter groups I became acquainted with said that anybody who supported the club as a result of these perks didn’t last long and those that remained were true supporters (washabiki wa ukweli). Instead, they stated that their job was support the club (kazi yetu ni kushabiki), and this attitude is personified with one particular supporter group called Mpira Burudani (Party Football). One member of this group referred back to the clubs roots, as it was started by the workers in the Azam factory as their after work enjoyment and relaxation (sehemu yao ya burudani). Although we have seen that consumption of Azam products is rationalised by some supporters as a means of contribution (kuchangia) to the football club (see previous post), Mpira Burudani are more likely to adopt the attitude that football is football and products are products (timu ni timu na bidhaa ni bidhaa). 

Support for the many Azam supporters, if not a majority, is a matter of sacrificing oneself voluntarily to the team (kujitolea), and although this team is shamelessly identified with its business motivation and opportunity for self-advertisement (kujitangaza), it’s a testament to the beautiful game that fundamental passion and the communitas it inspires among supporters outweighs other factors. Azam are in a unique position to compete outside of the tradition conflictual relationship and political ties of their neighbours Simba and Yanga. This arguably allows their supporters to cheer on the team without hinderance, thus creating an interesting dynamic and perhaps not an uncommon one in global football, whereby the love of football is harnessed for the private profit of wealthy individuals. 

We have seen how Azam’s position outside of the Simba-Yanga rivalry is symbolic of the way neoliberalism promises freedom for markets to act unhindered by government intervention: Azam is theorised as being stable in contrast to the government in the current economic environment. This relates to the understanding that neoliberalism entails a mode of domination based on the “institution of insecurity”, as the market is understood as “not only the best, but the only reliable social regulator” in society (Kingfisher and Maskovsky, 2008: 117). However in avoiding explanations of neoliberalism as all-encompassing and instead as something unstable, it is important to recognise that governments and markets are intertwined and that the “end of government regulation is more myth than reality” (ibid). What’s more, the explanations given by supporters of Azam FC themselves for supporting the club, notably self-reliance (kujitegemea) and possibility of employment (ajira), are shown by Sander’s to be two areas which are central to both socialist and post-socialist ideologies in Tanzania, thus challenging the idea of rupture and separation between state control and neoliberalism. This aids the process of viewing neoliberalism as a “process” whose antecedents are traceable, rather than something all-encompassing and distinct from the past (ibid: 115). 

“Timu Bora Bidhaa Bora”: Supporting and consuming Azam FC in Dar es Salaam

This post develops further ideas raised in my previous post where this research topic was introduced.  This research is aimed at exploring the relationship to consumption among fans of Azam FC, a new football club whose business roots and attitude towards consumption is evident in the clubs slogan, “Better Team Better Products”.  Exploring the experiences of supporters of Azam FC is intended to contribute to debates concerning the increased neoliberalisation of football globally, and neoliberalisation more broadly, where consumption is viewed as the only operable mode of living (Giroux,: Neoliberalism redefined). Following Dubai's article (2010) looking at the different ways in which commerialisation is experienced in the beautiful game, the hegemonic dominance of neoliberalism globally is disrupted, and instead the importance of locating specific sites spatially and temporally is emphasised.

Recurrent visits to a local tawi (branch) of Azam supporters in Mbagala, the area of Dar es Salaam where the football club is based, has been the main method by which I’ve attempted to gain a better understanding of how fans themselves conceptualise their support and related consumption. This tawi began eight years ago, therefore coinciding with the founding of the team itself, and is called Mpira Taamula (Specialist Football). An understanding of the greater football landscape in Tanzania has also informed my research, and the experiences of Azam FC supporters can be compared and contrasted with those of Simba Sports Club, an older and more established club also based in Dar es Salaam.

Azam supporters express pride in their team for bringing mabadiliko (change) to football in Tanzania. Due to capital provided by Bakhresa Group, of which Azam is the signature brand, the team has their own sports complex, including stadium, training academy, residence for players and more. This situation is contrasted with that of Simba and Yanga, who despite their large national fan bases and historic identity do not have the same resources. Furthermore the football club positions itself outside the migogoro and ujanja (conflicts and shrewdness) associated with these larger clubs, which due to their national identities have close political ties: as Kadugula states “ushabiki ambao umeenea kila pembe ya nchi – viongozi wa serikali na wa vyama vya siasa” (support which spreads to every horn of the country – the leaders of government and of political parties) (2014: 106). Their position outside of this traditional rivalry and its embedded political connection, as well as their financial stability means that Azam “wanajitegemea” (are self-dependent), and regardless of political or economic instability “hawatetelezi” (they don’t falter).

This financial stability and Azam’s status as a profitable business make the club attractive to supporters, who are disillusioned with the problems facing Simba and Yanga, and the mazingira mabaya – troubling environment – facing the nation as a whole. Many lament the current situation as the mwanya (gaps) whereby money passes through, perhaps informally, have been “filled up” (zimezibwa), thus diminishing the mzunguko (circulation) of capital. Interestingly, this language of the mzunguko of money is the same language used by Azam supporters when they describe their purchasing of Azam products as a means to “contribute” (kuchangia) towards the football. For example, Polopera who is the vice chairman (mwenyekiti msaidizi) of Mpira Taaluma explains how if he buys the soft drink Azam Cola from his local shop, the shop owner then finishes his stock quicker and replenishes it at Azam headquarters, thus contributing money in an indirect way (mzunguko) to Azam, and finally into the football club. Importantly, the movement of money is not direct (as the local shopkeeper is implicated), and not only is Polopera contributing to his football club but also the general circulation of money in his local environment.

This example demonstrates the relationship to consumption among fans of Azam FC, who view their consumption of Azam products as a means to contribute (kuchangia) to the both their club and the circulation (mzunguko) of money. Consumption is rationalised as a means to support the Azam jamii (community) and the local network. I would argue that this supports the argument that by locating specific sites spatially and temporally, the hegemonic dominance of neoliberalism is challenged, as rather than consumption being negatively viewed as the only operable mode of living it is also shown to effects on the environment which are positively theorised by the actors involved. Ultimately it becomes clear that rather than treating the increased commercialisation in global football as a homogenous project we must also take account of the way it is “embraced and negotiated across local landscapes” (Dubai, 2010: 124).

It is often said in explanation of the growing support for Azam FC that the supporters are given incentives to switch alliances away from Simba and Yanga. The members of the tawi Mpira Taaluma explain that people approach their tawi in expectation of such benefits and leave disappointed when this isn’t the case. They say that those who remain have upendo (love) of the club and believe that their job is to support, not to expect benefits. The tawi itself is located on the site of a wood workshop, however only once have I visited the tawi on a day when they were employed with work. The workers themselves blame the hali ya Magufuli (situation of Magufuli), the country's current president. The benefits they do receive for their continued support for the club are an allocation of free tickets and the occasional distribution of Azam products at matches (water, soft drinks). Despite their difficult personal situation and continued support they don’t expect benefits from the large company, and instead praise them because they do not falter (hawatelelezi) like themselves and many others, including Simba and Yanga, in the current economic climate.

This post has intended to outline some areas of interest within my research topic, and with only two weeks remaining time is very limited to conduct interviews/follow up leads further. Therefore I will be focusing on following up the issues raised in this post, and concentrating on the aforementioned tawi. 

Football in Dar es Salaam: research proposal and preliminary findings

I’m currently undergoing a research project in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania’s largest city, looking at the city’s three biggest football clubs: Azam Football Club, Simba Sports Club and Young Africans Sports Club (known as “Yanga”). This research is concerned with contrasting the difference between the supporter owned, historic clubs Yanga and Simba, and the young, privately owned Azam football club. By talking with supporters, club members and those in charge, I hope to explore issues of privatisation and commercialisation in the beautiful game. Following Dubai’s article on the neoliberalisation of football (2010), this research is intended to contribute to the project of unsettling the hegemonic coherence of neoliberalisation, by locating specific sites spatially and temporally. The contrasting structures exhibited between these clubs in Dar es Salaam provide a specific locality in which these issues can be explored.

“Timu Bora, Bidhaa Bora” 

While browsing the Azam FC Instagram account, I came across a fan proudly holding up a scarf sporting the words “Timu bora, Bidhaa bora”, which in Kiswahili means “Better team, Better products”. Azam is a multi-national brand, producing everything from soft drinks to cement across East Africa. In his article, Dubai relates how supporters of football clubs across the world are negotiating the transformation from supporters into consumers which accompanies the privatisation of their clubs (ibid, 126), and with Azam FC the link between consumerism and football is made explicit, evident with this message written on the supporters scarf.

“Wanajitegea/ Wape sifa” 

In stark contrast to the privately owned Azam football club, which was founded in 2007, Yanga and Simba trace their roots back to 1935 and 1936 respectively, during British colonial rule. Despite their geographical proximity in Dar es Salaam, football supporters across the whole of Tanzanian’s dispersed population of roughly 50 million people can be divided into two camps: the green and red of Yanga and Simba. The historic rivalry between these two teams is well known and widely documented (see Tsurata, 2007), and both teams follow a supporter owned model. The contrast between the financial capability of these historic teams and Azam is significant: unlike their privately owned neighbours they do not have a stadium of their own, or even team buses. However, this stark contrast in financial resources does not produce negative feelings towards Azam, as supporters of both Yanga and Simba express respect for the manner in which Azam “wanajitegemea” (are self-reliant) and stress the point that “wape sifa” (they should be given praise).

Not only do supporters of Yanga and Simba have respect for Azam’s self-reliance, and ultimately their quick rise to success (they have in their short history become the main competition for Simba and Yanga, winning the league themselves in 2014), this view is also shared by those in the clubs management. When I spoke to the first president of Simba Evans Aveva, who was elected in 2014, he explained that Simba are hoping to follow the financial model of Azam which has resulted in their success (private conversation, 17 January 2017). Since this conversation I have heard rumours of a plan for a 51% majority takeover of Simba Sports Club by a wealthy businessman, and the fans I’ve spoken to so far seem to welcome this privatisation of their club, as it would increase their self-reliance and chances of success long-term. During my research I hope to follow these negotiations, and how they are perceived by supporters, in order to further understand the reaction to privatisation of a football club in this specific locality. My preliminary findings support the argument outlined by Dubai in this paper, notably that the neoliberal ‘flows’ (Tsing, 2000) that accompany privatisation in world football cannot be treated as a coherent project, and instead we must take account of the way neoliberalism is “embraced and negotiated across local landscapes” (2010: 124).

Research methods

In order to follow up this initial research interest, I intend to attend football matches of these three football clubs, engage with supporter groups, and management where possible. Support for Azam in no way matches that of Yanga and Simba, but their support is increasing steadily, and meeting some of these supporters is essential in order to further understand how this team operates in opposition to the historic support of Yanga and Simba. For example, it’s likely some of their supporters previously rallied behind Yanga or Simba but decided to switch alliances because they believed Azam offered them more strength and stability. What’s more, members of the Simba management, including the president, claim that Azam offer incentives in order to increase their originally small fan base. The area of Dar es Salaam where the Azam sports complex is located, Mbagala, is home to some of these supporter groups which I hope to seek out.

Communicating with these Azam supporter groups in Mbagala may also provide the opportunity to explore the community function that Azam FC serves, as this element of community has been central to membership of Simba and Yanga since their founding, extending to such social realms as marriage and burial. Conversely, by returning to the Simba Sports Club headquarters in Msimbazi, Kariakoo, I hope to follow the ongoing takeover negotiations and member’s reactions to these, and investigate the contemporary community significance of this supporter owned club.

Research difficulties 

This research proposal and outline of preliminary findings is intended to give an idea of the potential areas to explore when researching football in Dar es Salaam. Some of the difficulties involved with this research project include length of research, which doesn’t exceed two months from time of writing (27 January 2017), as well as language capability, as football fans in Dar es Salaam are sometimes hard to follow due to their passionate, pacey exclamations. Furthermore, access to reading material is another obstacle, as it’s difficult to build on theoretical arguments satisfactorily without access to a library.